Law | Articles
Interview with Jerry Leeman: Today we bring you a story about a handful of fishermen rallying against a billion-dollar green industrial project, shady foreign corporations, and our own federal and state government. All are conspiring to generate a cash cow for...
By Greg Yates The criminal case People v Gosselin took place in a little red house structure known as the “Town of Highland Justice Court” located in Sullivan County, New York. This little red structure is also known as the Barryville Town Hall, where court is...
It is absurd to believe that the Fourteenth Amendment confers the boon of American citizenship on the children of illegal aliens.
Public programs fraud on the scale we see today in Minnesota—and to a lesser degree (so far at least) in other states—indicates a leadership class that has either forgotten or no longer takes seriously the idea that public office is a public trust.
The video draws service members into a political dispute, sowing discord, which is especially dangerous during periods of political tension.
With their dehumanizing rhetoric and soft-on-crime policies, progressives create permission structures that excuse crime and violence, remove accountability, and blur the distinction between right and wrong. As if that weren’t enough, in New York they have also created powerful disincentives for good citizens to protect themselves or others from crime.
The Russia collusion hoax was anchored to two central claims: first, that Trump was a compromised agent of Russia, and second, that Russia interfered in the 2016 election to help Trump. The first claim was completely debunked after years of investigation. It is on the second and far more plausible claim—which was just as key to the hoax—that the newly released documents shed new light. And the revelations are shocking.
Defenders of the official narrative accuse those who ask such questions of being conspiracists. But until those questions are answered, our understanding of January 6—no matter our political leanings—will be incomplete.
How do we regain control over the ATF and other federal law enforcement agencies? Not through congressional hearings that provide a forum for political showboating and partisan posturing and go nowhere. The American people must demand that Congress either reassert its authority over these agencies or else abolish them and start anew.
We are hearing more and more subsequently about root causes—especially from Vice President Harris, who President Biden charged with developing a “Root Causes Strategy.” But what we are hearing is bunk. The fact is that when the U.S. opens its borders—which is what it amounts to when we return to a catch and release policy—illegal immigrants flock to the U.S. That’s the root cause of the crisis on our southern border.
This is a movement that would turn our children against themselves because its advocates know there is no greater harm—no quicker way to bring America to its knees—than by driving our children to do themselves irreversible damage.
While the hallowed doctrine of stare decisis—the rule that judges are bound to respect precedent—certainly applies to the lower courts, Supreme Court justices owe fidelity to the Constitution alone, and if their predecessors have construed it erroneously, today’s justices must say so and overturn their decisions.
Economists since Adam Smith have taught us that in a competitive economy, the pursuit of private interests leads to the best possible outcome for everybody. But notice the qualifier: for this arrangement to work, there must be competition.
The appointment of the next Supreme Court justice could be the most legally significant event for our country in a generation.
What is left, really, to being an American if we are all simply part of some abstract humanity?
Citizenship does not exist by nature; it is created by law, and the identification of citizens has always been considered an aspect of sovereignty.
When teaching law students the significance of private property, we tell them that each owner of such property has something called a “bundle of rights.” The first of these rights is the right to use the property. The second is the right to alienate the property. The third and greatest is the right to exclude people from the property. With this in mind, let me pose a question: Can the government force a property owner to sell his property? James Madison argued that the government could do so as long as it paid the owner a fair market value and as long
It may best serve its high purpose when it induces a condition of unrest, creates dissatisfaction with conditions as they are, or even stirs people to anger
This revolution in the legal system has begun to transform American politics. The part of this that gets the most press today is the litigation lobby
May we now recapture our love for our constitutional system, the structure that has allowed this great Republic to grow and prosper.
We should not keep people with genuine injuries and claims from seeking redress through the judicial process.
Government doesn’t work. It doesn’t deliver the mail on time. It doesn’t educate our children properly. It doesn’t keep the city safe.
In 1987, the U.S. Supreme Court issued three opinions substantially elevating the Constitutional protection of property rights.
In the United States, where we pride ourselves on our understanding of how the free market works, we don’t really appreciate what private property means.
The laws favor false crises instead of real environmental problems and even create greater problems than they were made to eliminate.
Financial costs are not the only burden. Regulations also result in a tremendous loss of one of our most valuable and limited resources—time.
Can we really sustain the city of man without the influence of the City of God? St. Augustine argued that it was impossible.
The mid-1980s brought a crisis in availability and affordability of liability insurance that was unprecedented in its impact on our society.
The public has an insatiable interest in criminal law, even though it is civil litigation which is big business in America.
This is a fabulous country. I should know, because I was born in Venice, Italy, in an era when civil rights meant little.
Perhaps no society on earth has been as quick to litigate as the American. Until recently, this was simply an interesting quirk.
Government may occasionally violate the Constitution, and that when it does, a citizen’s loyalty may consist of resistance to government.